Istorija de Cirima
The History of the Crimea
Ancient and Medieval Crimea
Crimea's basic history to 1918 is about the same *there* as it is *here*. The Tauri, the ancient Greeks, the Bosporan Kingdom, the Romans, the Crimean Goths, the Byzantines, Khazars, Genoese, Golden Horde, Crimean Khanate, Ottoman Empire, and Russian Empire... all came to Crimea and left their mark.
The history *there* does have some differences. The population of Mediterranean peoples was larger and more stable, so the Greeks, Romaniote Jews, Goths, and Armenians who moved to the Crimea in antiquity were never assimilated by the Tatars. Crimea *there* has never had a single ethnic group that formed a majority. This has made it easier for newcomers to maintain their distinct identities rather than be forced to blend in. The Parra language, rather than the language of the ruler, has served as the medium of trade and communication between the Crimea's many different nations.
The history *there* does have some differences. The population of Mediterranean peoples was larger and more stable, so the Greeks, Romaniote Jews, Goths, and Armenians who moved to the Crimea in antiquity were never assimilated by the Tatars. Crimea *there* has never had a single ethnic group that formed a majority. This has made it easier for newcomers to maintain their distinct identities rather than be forced to blend in. The Parra language, rather than the language of the ruler, has served as the medium of trade and communication between the Crimea's many different nations.
The Russian Empire
Under the Russian Empire (1783-1918), many new peoples settled in the Crimea, part of Russia's plan to flood the peninsula with Christians in order to weaken Islam and Judaism. *There* it never quite worked: the Crimea's demographic mix was just too complicated. The newcomers (Bulgarians, Ukrainians, Germans, Estonians, Georgians) tended to keep their own langauges rather than switch to Russian. The Russians also never attempted en masse deportations of the Tatars, since it was clear that even such extreme efforts could never turn the country into a copy of Moscow.
Russia made major changes along the southern coast. A brand-new port, Sebastopol, was built just east of ancient Xerson. Under the local rule of Prince Potemkin, Sebastopol instantly made Crimea a strategically vital province, because here Potemkin began to build his Black Sea Fleet. The new city also drew trade away from the older Italian and Turkish ports along the coast, though some smaller-scale trade continued with other places in the Black Sea. The Parra language remained in use in these smaller ports and in the interior towns, but business in Sebastopol was in Russian.
The Crimean War happened *there* between 1853 and 1856. It was fought by basically the same people, in basically the same way, as it was *here*; just as bloody and pointless.
In the later 19th century, Russian aristocrats developed what today are two of the chief industries of the south coast, winemaking and tourism. At this point, the tourist trade was mainly members of the nobility building lavish summer mansions, but it was the beginning of the "Crimean Riviera"s reputation as a resort. Many from Europe's upper crust joined them, and the Crimea became especially popular among Noble Émigrées, exiles from republican France.
Toward 1900, the Ashkenazi Jewish population of Crimea swelled as newcomers fled the pogroms elsewhere in the empire (the Ukrainian lands just to the north being among the worst affected). The riots and persecution spread to Crimea as well, but again, the sheer diversity of the population blunted the problem somewhat. In some instances, fleeing Jews hid among the Karaites - a people who practice the Jewish faith but whom many did not consider Jewish at all because of their very different customs. In other instances, Jews could pose as, and sometimes hide among, Crimean Germans.
The Black Sea Fleet played an important role in the First Great War, just like it did *here*. The Revolution then turned everything upside-down.
Russia made major changes along the southern coast. A brand-new port, Sebastopol, was built just east of ancient Xerson. Under the local rule of Prince Potemkin, Sebastopol instantly made Crimea a strategically vital province, because here Potemkin began to build his Black Sea Fleet. The new city also drew trade away from the older Italian and Turkish ports along the coast, though some smaller-scale trade continued with other places in the Black Sea. The Parra language remained in use in these smaller ports and in the interior towns, but business in Sebastopol was in Russian.
The Crimean War happened *there* between 1853 and 1856. It was fought by basically the same people, in basically the same way, as it was *here*; just as bloody and pointless.
In the later 19th century, Russian aristocrats developed what today are two of the chief industries of the south coast, winemaking and tourism. At this point, the tourist trade was mainly members of the nobility building lavish summer mansions, but it was the beginning of the "Crimean Riviera"s reputation as a resort. Many from Europe's upper crust joined them, and the Crimea became especially popular among Noble Émigrées, exiles from republican France.
Toward 1900, the Ashkenazi Jewish population of Crimea swelled as newcomers fled the pogroms elsewhere in the empire (the Ukrainian lands just to the north being among the worst affected). The riots and persecution spread to Crimea as well, but again, the sheer diversity of the population blunted the problem somewhat. In some instances, fleeing Jews hid among the Karaites - a people who practice the Jewish faith but whom many did not consider Jewish at all because of their very different customs. In other instances, Jews could pose as, and sometimes hide among, Crimean Germans.
The Black Sea Fleet played an important role in the First Great War, just like it did *here*. The Revolution then turned everything upside-down.
Revolution and Civil War
The Revolutions of 1917 and 18
The events of 1917 unfolded in in Russia at a lightning pace - the tsar overthrown in February, the Provisional Government overthrown in October, the Mensheviks ejected from the ruling Social Democratic Party, outlying areas declaring independence, White Army and German and Allied forces everywhere adding to the confusion.
Against this chaotic backdrop, Crimean liberals declared independence in December 1917 as the short-lived Crimean People's Republic. The Tatar population was the driving force behind this bold attempt to carve out a working democracy. But in a country where factions and alliances were constantly changing, the CPR found itself isolated and alone, unable to find allies among the Reds, the Whites, the Ukrainians, or the Germans. The Black Sea Fleet remained aloof, also torn by politics: it was divided between a White faction and, surprisingly, a revolutionary faction with a strong anarchist streak. The republic lasted four months.
Red Army forces, supported by local workers' soviets, overthrew the liberal regime in March 1918. They called their government the Tauridian Soviet Republic. To the chagrin of the Bolshevik leaders, many of the local soviets turned out to have strong support for the Menshevik faction. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, together with Reds and anarchists in the Fleet, maintained a tense cooperation for about a month, when the Crimea was invaded again.
The events of 1917 unfolded in in Russia at a lightning pace - the tsar overthrown in February, the Provisional Government overthrown in October, the Mensheviks ejected from the ruling Social Democratic Party, outlying areas declaring independence, White Army and German and Allied forces everywhere adding to the confusion.
Against this chaotic backdrop, Crimean liberals declared independence in December 1917 as the short-lived Crimean People's Republic. The Tatar population was the driving force behind this bold attempt to carve out a working democracy. But in a country where factions and alliances were constantly changing, the CPR found itself isolated and alone, unable to find allies among the Reds, the Whites, the Ukrainians, or the Germans. The Black Sea Fleet remained aloof, also torn by politics: it was divided between a White faction and, surprisingly, a revolutionary faction with a strong anarchist streak. The republic lasted four months.
Red Army forces, supported by local workers' soviets, overthrew the liberal regime in March 1918. They called their government the Tauridian Soviet Republic. To the chagrin of the Bolshevik leaders, many of the local soviets turned out to have strong support for the Menshevik faction. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, together with Reds and anarchists in the Fleet, maintained a tense cooperation for about a month, when the Crimea was invaded again.
German interference
Under the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Bolshevik Russia and imperial Germany (March 1918), Crimea was to be included in a string of buffer states under German control. Ukrainian troops, under the direction of its new pro-German government, invaded in April to carry out the treaty. They had naval support from German U-boats and Turkish ships under German command. The invaders worked with the White faction of the Black Sea Fleet: the Whites, once militant enemies of Germany, were now happy to cooperate with them to stamp out communism. Events in central Russia followed the same pattern, where Germany was beginning to lend support to the White Council, continuing its policy of opposing the Bolsheviks in other parts of eastern Europe.
The Soviet Republic resisted the takeover. It organized uprisings in Baçasarai, Jalta, and Sebastopol that prevented the new government from ever gaining control of the entire country. In September, tensions within the Fleet finally boiled over into open fighting. The White Fleet in Sebastopol nominally was still under the command of the nationalist hero Aleksandr Kolchak. But Kolchak had become one of the leaders of the White Council and was seldom anywhere near the Black Sea. Weakened by confusion over command, the White Fleet was unable to hold on to its position. The "Black-Red Fleet" defeated the Whites, driving them out of Sebastopol harbor.
The wider political situation prevented Germany from giving the White Fleet much support. The Austrian Empire had already broken apart, depriving Germany of its land and sea connections to Turkey and the Black Sea. Therefore, its Mediterranean Squadron had gradually been recalled to German waters, and by mid-1918 only two U-boats remained to control the entire Black Sea. Meanwhile, Turkey had little interest in using its navy to support German adventures in Crimea, now that Russia no longer posed a threat. The Sultan's government ordered all Turkish ships to the Mediterranean to oppose a British advance through Palestine, causing a bitter dispute with the German officers, who were not keen to violate Germany's cease-fire with Britain. The flagship, Yavuz/Göben, remained in port in Istanbul while Admiral Rebeur and Turkish officials argued.
At any rate, the Black Sea Fleet was no longer the fighting force it once was, and without it, controlling Crimea was a low priority for Germany, which had much bigger and much nearer countries to worry about. Germany was neither willing nor able to reinforce the Crimean puppet government. The German representative advised the Whites to shore up their losses and send the fleet east to Kerch, where they could count on favorable geography and the support of the locals, many of whom were Cossacks and committed tsarists.
Under the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Bolshevik Russia and imperial Germany (March 1918), Crimea was to be included in a string of buffer states under German control. Ukrainian troops, under the direction of its new pro-German government, invaded in April to carry out the treaty. They had naval support from German U-boats and Turkish ships under German command. The invaders worked with the White faction of the Black Sea Fleet: the Whites, once militant enemies of Germany, were now happy to cooperate with them to stamp out communism. Events in central Russia followed the same pattern, where Germany was beginning to lend support to the White Council, continuing its policy of opposing the Bolsheviks in other parts of eastern Europe.
The Soviet Republic resisted the takeover. It organized uprisings in Baçasarai, Jalta, and Sebastopol that prevented the new government from ever gaining control of the entire country. In September, tensions within the Fleet finally boiled over into open fighting. The White Fleet in Sebastopol nominally was still under the command of the nationalist hero Aleksandr Kolchak. But Kolchak had become one of the leaders of the White Council and was seldom anywhere near the Black Sea. Weakened by confusion over command, the White Fleet was unable to hold on to its position. The "Black-Red Fleet" defeated the Whites, driving them out of Sebastopol harbor.
The wider political situation prevented Germany from giving the White Fleet much support. The Austrian Empire had already broken apart, depriving Germany of its land and sea connections to Turkey and the Black Sea. Therefore, its Mediterranean Squadron had gradually been recalled to German waters, and by mid-1918 only two U-boats remained to control the entire Black Sea. Meanwhile, Turkey had little interest in using its navy to support German adventures in Crimea, now that Russia no longer posed a threat. The Sultan's government ordered all Turkish ships to the Mediterranean to oppose a British advance through Palestine, causing a bitter dispute with the German officers, who were not keen to violate Germany's cease-fire with Britain. The flagship, Yavuz/Göben, remained in port in Istanbul while Admiral Rebeur and Turkish officials argued.
At any rate, the Black Sea Fleet was no longer the fighting force it once was, and without it, controlling Crimea was a low priority for Germany, which had much bigger and much nearer countries to worry about. Germany was neither willing nor able to reinforce the Crimean puppet government. The German representative advised the Whites to shore up their losses and send the fleet east to Kerch, where they could count on favorable geography and the support of the locals, many of whom were Cossacks and committed tsarists.
The Soviet Republic returns
In November, events conspired to clear the way for the Tauridian Soviet Republic to take full control of the country again. All German forces left the Black Sea after Turkey surrendered to the Allies. In the Crimea, the protectorate government finally collapsed and its leaders fled to Kerch. And in the Ukraine, the pro-German government also collapsed, replaced by a nationalist, democratic state. In exchange for peace and mutual recognition with the new Ukrainian People's Republic, the TSR permanently ceded all the "mainland" territory, north of the peninsula, that Ukraine had already occupied. In the First Battle of Kerch (December 1918), the Black-Red Fleet drove the remnants of the White Fleet away from Crimea and into the Sea of Azov. Russia's White Council, still struggling to hold on to its control over Muscovy, belatedly agreed to a cease-fire with the TSR, ending the civil war in Crimea.
By now, the TSR was firmly under the control of the Mensheviks. Their more broad-based concept of the revolutionary party perhaps equipped them better than the Bolsheviks to work with the divided Black Sea Fleet and the local multiethnic workers' soviets. During 1918-20, a number of Menshevik leaders from elsewhere in the Russian Empire came to the Crimea. These included Russians like Julius Martov, fleeing the Red and White Armies; and some prominent Georgians like Noe Jordania, who chose to leave their newly independent country after it had embraced a conservative, monarchist form of nationalism in May 1918.
Thus, the Crimean Mensheviks became one of the Communist factions who were creating breakaway states all over the edges of the Russian Empire; other examples include the Bolsheviks' short-lived state in Ladoga and the Trotskyists' more successful experiment in Siberia. For twenty years the TSR was able to use diplomacy and its relative isolation to avoid feared attacks from Russia and Ukraine.
In November, events conspired to clear the way for the Tauridian Soviet Republic to take full control of the country again. All German forces left the Black Sea after Turkey surrendered to the Allies. In the Crimea, the protectorate government finally collapsed and its leaders fled to Kerch. And in the Ukraine, the pro-German government also collapsed, replaced by a nationalist, democratic state. In exchange for peace and mutual recognition with the new Ukrainian People's Republic, the TSR permanently ceded all the "mainland" territory, north of the peninsula, that Ukraine had already occupied. In the First Battle of Kerch (December 1918), the Black-Red Fleet drove the remnants of the White Fleet away from Crimea and into the Sea of Azov. Russia's White Council, still struggling to hold on to its control over Muscovy, belatedly agreed to a cease-fire with the TSR, ending the civil war in Crimea.
By now, the TSR was firmly under the control of the Mensheviks. Their more broad-based concept of the revolutionary party perhaps equipped them better than the Bolsheviks to work with the divided Black Sea Fleet and the local multiethnic workers' soviets. During 1918-20, a number of Menshevik leaders from elsewhere in the Russian Empire came to the Crimea. These included Russians like Julius Martov, fleeing the Red and White Armies; and some prominent Georgians like Noe Jordania, who chose to leave their newly independent country after it had embraced a conservative, monarchist form of nationalism in May 1918.
Thus, the Crimean Mensheviks became one of the Communist factions who were creating breakaway states all over the edges of the Russian Empire; other examples include the Bolsheviks' short-lived state in Ladoga and the Trotskyists' more successful experiment in Siberia. For twenty years the TSR was able to use diplomacy and its relative isolation to avoid feared attacks from Russia and Ukraine.
The Soviet Republic
The Menshevik blueprint for the TSR was a mix of parliamentary democracy and rule by the Soviets. This was a time of great expectations and excitement, but also of no small amount of chaos and confusion. The Soviet system gave communist parties a natural advantage in the workers' councils, and as more and more Bolshevik leaders voluntarily left the country in frustration to join their comrades in central Europe, the Menshevik Party came to have permanent control over that organ of government. At the same time, other parties could compete quite fairly for seats in the parliament, the National Assembly. The huge number of parties meant the Mensheviks would never have a majority in the assemblies, but many of these parties arose, merged, divided, and dissolved so fast that the Mensheviks could take advantage of their own more durable organization.
Opponents of the soviet system therefore were frustrated by the TSR's politics. Opposition political action increasingly focused on grassroots organizations, known by their Parra term, soşamevi ("social movements"). The movements grew more and more radical, and by the 30s it was common to see them brawling in the streets. Ethnic tensions were also flaring up again after a few decades in which ideological battles had kept them hidden. The TSR grew more and more unstable.
Opponents of the soviet system therefore were frustrated by the TSR's politics. Opposition political action increasingly focused on grassroots organizations, known by their Parra term, soşamevi ("social movements"). The movements grew more and more radical, and by the 30s it was common to see them brawling in the streets. Ethnic tensions were also flaring up again after a few decades in which ideological battles had kept them hidden. The TSR grew more and more unstable.
The Second Great War
Ukraine's democratic government fell in 1937 to a pro-Russian nationalist group. Its only real ally gone, the TSR knew its days were numbered. It did what it could to build up its army and navy and sought allies that could support its independence. It found none. Ukraine joined the Russian-German Allianz in 1939 and rolled across the border into Crimea in 1940. It was said that Ukrainian-speaking officers defending Perecop ordered their men not to engage the invading army. Whether this is true or not, the country collapsed remarkably quickly. Its leaders who were not killed or captured mostly fled to the Balkans and spent the rest of the war trying to stay one step ahead of the advancing Germans. Many became highly involved in international socialist organizations.
Crimea itself spent the war as occupied territory. It changed hands several times. In 1943-4, with the Allianz crumbling, Germany attacked Russia and Ukraine and seized their occupied lands. Crimea was overrun, the Ukrainians making a last stand in the Second Battle of Kerch. The German occupation lasted two years.
In 1946 Russia swept German forces out of the Crimea, beginning a new phase in the country's history.
Crimea itself spent the war as occupied territory. It changed hands several times. In 1943-4, with the Allianz crumbling, Germany attacked Russia and Ukraine and seized their occupied lands. Crimea was overrun, the Ukrainians making a last stand in the Second Battle of Kerch. The German occupation lasted two years.
In 1946 Russia swept German forces out of the Crimea, beginning a new phase in the country's history.
The SNAC Regime
After the war, the Crimea remained an independent state only on paper. In reality it was ruled by a pro-Russian, SNORist puppet government. The Movement for a New Dawn in Crimea (Soşamevi per Nova Arora a Cirima, or SNAC) was a right-wing party that Russia propped up after 1947, creating a one-party regime that lasted until 1989.
For a few years, the SNAC was dominated by diehard Rusophiles who tried to faithfully apply Russian policies in Crimea, failing miserably. The Snorist concept of "return" to ethnic "homelands" was practically meaningless in Crimea's melting pot, but SNAC nonetheless ordered the deportation of Estonians and Georgians, the only safe targets who could be shipped to other Snorist countries. The SNAC next announced it would begin to deport Ukrainians, a suicidal move considering that Ukrainians were one of the SNAC's key bases of support. Moscow lost confidence in the party's leaders and approved of an internal coup that brought a new junta to power.
From 1950 to 1989, the ruling regime's policy could be summed up as "divide and rule." Crimea's different ethnic groups (mileti) were carefully counted, tracked, and given their own "community" institutions. Corruption was not so much a widespread problem in the system, as much as it was the system. A network of favors and patronage was the main thing holding it together. Mileti leaders - clergy, consolu, business owners, heads of influential families - provided favors for their constituents, and in turn sought favors from the state. With many public services provided through close to twenty parallel systems, people in power always had plenty of jobs to give loyal supporters.
Russians and Ukrainians benefitted from the system more than outsiders. They dominated the SNAC party and therefore the top state offices. Russian- and Ukrainian-owned businesses got most of the big government contracts. But the SNAC also had to keep the rest of the population happy in order to stay in power. Sometimes this meant protecting the Crimean people from Russia. During Russia's period of theocratic rule (c. 1976-1984), Crimea's regime shielded its people from the Russian SNOR's campaigns against "heathens," adopting pro-Orthodox religious laws to appease Russia but making no effort to enforce them.
For a few years, the SNAC was dominated by diehard Rusophiles who tried to faithfully apply Russian policies in Crimea, failing miserably. The Snorist concept of "return" to ethnic "homelands" was practically meaningless in Crimea's melting pot, but SNAC nonetheless ordered the deportation of Estonians and Georgians, the only safe targets who could be shipped to other Snorist countries. The SNAC next announced it would begin to deport Ukrainians, a suicidal move considering that Ukrainians were one of the SNAC's key bases of support. Moscow lost confidence in the party's leaders and approved of an internal coup that brought a new junta to power.
From 1950 to 1989, the ruling regime's policy could be summed up as "divide and rule." Crimea's different ethnic groups (mileti) were carefully counted, tracked, and given their own "community" institutions. Corruption was not so much a widespread problem in the system, as much as it was the system. A network of favors and patronage was the main thing holding it together. Mileti leaders - clergy, consolu, business owners, heads of influential families - provided favors for their constituents, and in turn sought favors from the state. With many public services provided through close to twenty parallel systems, people in power always had plenty of jobs to give loyal supporters.
Russians and Ukrainians benefitted from the system more than outsiders. They dominated the SNAC party and therefore the top state offices. Russian- and Ukrainian-owned businesses got most of the big government contracts. But the SNAC also had to keep the rest of the population happy in order to stay in power. Sometimes this meant protecting the Crimean people from Russia. During Russia's period of theocratic rule (c. 1976-1984), Crimea's regime shielded its people from the Russian SNOR's campaigns against "heathens," adopting pro-Orthodox religious laws to appease Russia but making no effort to enforce them.
The Tauridian Republic
The Fall of SNAC
The SNAC system was plodding along well enough, but the great changes throughout the Snorist world inevitably came to the Crimea, too. The collapse began in Russia itself. The outlying "national regions" started to declare their independence in 1988 and 89, and the in effort to keep Russia unified, the regime had to give way to a new loose federal government.
By that time, the SNAC in Crimea had shed any hint of ideology and was mostly dedicated to maintaining its own power. The situation was not perfect, but it was stable, and under other circumstances it might have lasted indefinitely. But the fall of the SNOR upset things too much. A coalition of underground ideological parties and moderate community leaders gathered in in Aleksandr Square in central Acmescit to declare the formation of the Tauridian Republic. The SNAC regime hardly put up a fight. When the Ukrainian SLOB party stepped down (October 1989), the SNAC gave up its absolute power and joined a committee of parties to govern the country temporarily while a new constitution could be hammered out.
New treaties were quickly enacted to normalize relations with the new Russia. The Black Sea Fleet was divided between Crimea and Russia, and Russia was allowed to continue leasing the naval base at Sebastopol for twenty years.
Since the peaceful revolution, Crimea has changed only slowly. Its own complex culture and the legacy of the labyrinthine SNAC government apparatus create a certain inertia that resists radical change. Unlike the Ukraine, Crimea did not ban the SNAC, and it has held seats in the Rada since the first election in 1990. The Crimean government has been streamlined somewhat. Corruption and waste remain a problem, but at least the redundant systems for the different mileti have been merged. Crimea has opened up to world trade as some protectionist policies were changed one by one. Consumer goods and modern technology have become much more widespread.
21st-Century Geopolitics
Like much of the former Snorist Bloc, 21st-century Crimea felt itself pulled in different directions. Should it orient itself northward toward Russia? Eastward toward the Turkic nations? Westward toward Europe? Southward toward Greece and the Mediterranean?
The West at first saw Crimea as a new market and potential ally. In the late 1990s Crimea allowed Germany to build a rocket launching facility in the steppe south of Çancoj. The facility is still leased to the German-Scandinavian Space Company and used to launch satellites. However, not all Crimeans have been happy with this level of engagement with the West. The negotiations to allow for this "kosmodrome" had begun under Snorist rule and had been led by Russia, not Crimea, so many still see in it a legacy of foreign domination. Crimea has continued to let the new German-Scandinavian Space Company lease the land to launch satellites, but it has not sought to join as a partner. Other Western overtures for closer ties have generally not been very successful.
Russia's retention of the navy base at Sebastópol caused some friction in Crimea between pro- and anti-Russian camps. But post-SNOR Russia has been so dysfunctional that its threat quickly diminished. In the mid-90s, control of the base passed from the Russian Federation itself to the Don Republic, part of a wider seizure of state assets by the regional governments in Russia. The Don does not have the resources to pose much of a threat to Crimea, and so in 2009 the Rada approved the renewal of the treaty for 20 more years without much fuss. Foreign militia servicemen still man the base, but it is in a state of serious disrepair. For now, it seems not to be a threat.
On the other hand, Crimea's ties with other Asian nations to the east have become ever closer. Crimea joined the Silk Road League in 2009, a cultural and goodwill organization of mostly Central Asian nations. However, the country at the time balked at joining OASSA, the free-trade organization that grew out of the League. SNAC, still an active party with strong support among Crimea's Russians, was an especially vocal critic. But In 2015, a coalition government of liberal and Tatar-identity parties took the momentous step of joining OASSA. This will closely tie Crimea's economy to Turkey, Turkestan, the Moghul Realm, and the Russian Republic of Qazaqstan. Just as importantly, it finally gives Crimea a geopolitical "home" after many years in the post-Snorist wilderness. The long-term effects on the country's economy and relations with other nations remain to be seen.
The SNAC system was plodding along well enough, but the great changes throughout the Snorist world inevitably came to the Crimea, too. The collapse began in Russia itself. The outlying "national regions" started to declare their independence in 1988 and 89, and the in effort to keep Russia unified, the regime had to give way to a new loose federal government.
By that time, the SNAC in Crimea had shed any hint of ideology and was mostly dedicated to maintaining its own power. The situation was not perfect, but it was stable, and under other circumstances it might have lasted indefinitely. But the fall of the SNOR upset things too much. A coalition of underground ideological parties and moderate community leaders gathered in in Aleksandr Square in central Acmescit to declare the formation of the Tauridian Republic. The SNAC regime hardly put up a fight. When the Ukrainian SLOB party stepped down (October 1989), the SNAC gave up its absolute power and joined a committee of parties to govern the country temporarily while a new constitution could be hammered out.
New treaties were quickly enacted to normalize relations with the new Russia. The Black Sea Fleet was divided between Crimea and Russia, and Russia was allowed to continue leasing the naval base at Sebastopol for twenty years.
Since the peaceful revolution, Crimea has changed only slowly. Its own complex culture and the legacy of the labyrinthine SNAC government apparatus create a certain inertia that resists radical change. Unlike the Ukraine, Crimea did not ban the SNAC, and it has held seats in the Rada since the first election in 1990. The Crimean government has been streamlined somewhat. Corruption and waste remain a problem, but at least the redundant systems for the different mileti have been merged. Crimea has opened up to world trade as some protectionist policies were changed one by one. Consumer goods and modern technology have become much more widespread.
21st-Century Geopolitics
Like much of the former Snorist Bloc, 21st-century Crimea felt itself pulled in different directions. Should it orient itself northward toward Russia? Eastward toward the Turkic nations? Westward toward Europe? Southward toward Greece and the Mediterranean?
The West at first saw Crimea as a new market and potential ally. In the late 1990s Crimea allowed Germany to build a rocket launching facility in the steppe south of Çancoj. The facility is still leased to the German-Scandinavian Space Company and used to launch satellites. However, not all Crimeans have been happy with this level of engagement with the West. The negotiations to allow for this "kosmodrome" had begun under Snorist rule and had been led by Russia, not Crimea, so many still see in it a legacy of foreign domination. Crimea has continued to let the new German-Scandinavian Space Company lease the land to launch satellites, but it has not sought to join as a partner. Other Western overtures for closer ties have generally not been very successful.
Russia's retention of the navy base at Sebastópol caused some friction in Crimea between pro- and anti-Russian camps. But post-SNOR Russia has been so dysfunctional that its threat quickly diminished. In the mid-90s, control of the base passed from the Russian Federation itself to the Don Republic, part of a wider seizure of state assets by the regional governments in Russia. The Don does not have the resources to pose much of a threat to Crimea, and so in 2009 the Rada approved the renewal of the treaty for 20 more years without much fuss. Foreign militia servicemen still man the base, but it is in a state of serious disrepair. For now, it seems not to be a threat.
On the other hand, Crimea's ties with other Asian nations to the east have become ever closer. Crimea joined the Silk Road League in 2009, a cultural and goodwill organization of mostly Central Asian nations. However, the country at the time balked at joining OASSA, the free-trade organization that grew out of the League. SNAC, still an active party with strong support among Crimea's Russians, was an especially vocal critic. But In 2015, a coalition government of liberal and Tatar-identity parties took the momentous step of joining OASSA. This will closely tie Crimea's economy to Turkey, Turkestan, the Moghul Realm, and the Russian Republic of Qazaqstan. Just as importantly, it finally gives Crimea a geopolitical "home" after many years in the post-Snorist wilderness. The long-term effects on the country's economy and relations with other nations remain to be seen.
Additional History
Historical tidbits that do not quite fit on this page are on the Extra History page.